Tuesday, November 22, 2022

A Review of Quest of the Grail Part VII

 




To see my previous posts on this book:

https://themedievalist.blogspot.com/2019/12/a-review-of-quest-of-holy-grail-part-i.html

https://themedievalist.blogspot.com/2019/12/a-review-of-quest-of-grail-part-ii.html

https://themedievalist.blogspot.com/2020/01/a-review-of-quest-of-holy-grail-part-iii.html

https://themedievalist.blogspot.com/2020/07/a-review-of-quest-for-grail-part-four.html

https://themedievalist.blogspot.com/2021/12/a-review-of-quest-of-holy-grail-part-v.html

https://themedievalist.blogspot.com/2022/11/a-review-of-quest-of-grail-part-6.html

In the previous six blog posts of this series on The Quest of the Holy Grail, I analyzed and discussed the main points of the first seven chapters of the book. Today, I will be briefer as I discuss the last eight in one post. I hope that the little I write on this subject will inspire the reader to delve into Arthurian literature for themselves. 

                                                          Chapters Eight-Twelve


In chapter eight, Lancelot and Hector receive another vision (in general, much of the book from this point on is about apparitions to the knights). Having continued his journey, Sir Gawain brought several companies with him. Receiving a vision of proud bulls, the knights do not realize that it foreshadows who they are becoming. Unfortunately, many of Arthur's knights lose sight of the grail and end up being divided from one another from the once unity that they shared in common for their quest. 

In chapter nine, things are no better. King Bors (a king of France in Arthurian literature) is in the midst of the knights quarreling with each other. Because of these inward strifes among their ranks, Lionel becomes wounded. Tragically, Bors and Lancelot become sworn enemies. Pride, in short, has brought several of the characters against one another, as they now search out their own glory rather than that of the Creator. Against Lancelot, Lionel goes for the kill until Lancelot's friend, Calogrenant steps in the way and is killed instead. 

Switching back to Percival and Galahad in chapter ten, the two knights are among the only ones to truly care about the quest still. Meanwhile, Gawain and Hector may battle against them. After this, a miraculous ship appears to Percival and Galahad. The two knights begin sailing out to sea, heading for the perceived end of their quest. In this same chapter, by the suggestion of an old hermit, a maiden helps direct their way. 

Chapter eleven is mostly a discourse on the vanity of sin. The chapter specifically elaborates on its view of women are one of mankind's greatest temptations to sin. The chapter discusses the tree of life, which in many ways, is personified by the Holy Grail throughout the story. 

In chapter twelve, both Galahad and Percival continue their journey by land. The maiden becomes ill with sickness but eventually recovers. 


                                                       Chapters Thirteen-Fifteen


In chapter thirteen, Percival and Galahad go separate ways for the grail. 

In chapter fourteen, Lancelot regrets his past sins which cause him to never see the Holy Grail. In fact, he is forced to abandon the quest. 

Finally, in chapter fifteen Galahad comes to find the Grail. To me, this was the best chapter of the book. He and Percival reunite as they discover the cup of Christ. However, they become captured by enemy forces and imprisoned. Though they eventually escaped, the knights' ending draws near. In a final vision, Joseph of Armithea appears to Galahad and compares himself to the knight. In general, as had the entire story before it, Galahad is praised for both his chastity and purity. Percival then dies as well; the story commences to a conclusion in honor of those knights that had long searched for the Holy Grail. 

The passage of Luke 13: 24 summarizes the quest of Galahad and Percival: ''Strive to enter in at the state gate: for many, I say unto you, will seek to enter in, and shall not be able (KJV).'' Indeed, just as the narrow road to salvation is portrayed as exclusive in scripture, so is the road to eternal life through the Holy Grail in the Lancelot-Grail


                                                                   Conclusion: 


The Quest of the Holy Grail is about man's search for salvation. The cup of Christ is truly the personification of man's justification before God. While many seek the glory that comes with having found the Grail, few in the end persevere with enough faith and obedience to see its the divine presence. While Lancelot and others living with the shame of their past sins which forbid them from the grail, both Percival and Galahad ended in this life gloriously because of their piety towards it. At first, all seemed pious to the recovery of the cover of Christ. However, as the story continues, trials downplay the hope that some once had for it. It is through these trails that the men's faith are tested, and few of them are found to finish the race for its return. 


                                                                          My Take:


Well, at last, I can finally say that I've read the complete Lancelot-Grail. Having started the work back in 2019 as I analyzed parts of its chapters, I have finally finished the book. It is one of my favorite works of Medieval literature, along with The Canterbury Tales, The Divine Comedy, and Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. In many ways, I believe that The Quest of the Holy Grail is an understated work. Being a prose work written in the Old French language, it has served as foundational to all the Arthurian stories (especially those of Thomas Mallory) that came after it. I have also considered it to be a personal inspiration for my own crusade novels. If I could only ever reread one work of Medieval literature, I would probably be this one. I consider it to be one of the greatest works ever written. 

Thursday, November 17, 2022

A Review of The Quest of the Grail Part VI


                                                                  


                                                                     Chapter Seven:


After leaving an old hermit, Lancelot comes to a wood where he meets ways with a squire. The boy rebukes Lancelot and says that the grail deservedly went to the knight as Lancelot has been an unworthy Christian. At first, Lancelot was guilty of his sins as he met an old hermit in the woods. However, Lancelot becomes relieved that one of his friends was found to have not died in mortal (which would lead to hell). Likewise, Lancelot is reminded of how God is quick to return mercy to the repentant. The knight was additionally praised for having once been entirely pure (at least sexually speaking) in both mind and body. Finally, Lancelot is described in the dialogue as having once been a man of humility. 

Though Lancelot anticipates seeing the grail, the old man does not expect Lancelot to see it. The story implies that Lancelot was once a virgin, but has forsaken purity. In general, Lancelot is not portrayed as a lustful character that was never pure (as he is sometimes demonstrated to be in Hollywood films). Much of the seventh chapter of The Quest of the Holy Grail is concerned with the dialogue between the old man and Lancelot. In general, Lancelot learns of what he has lost: the opportunity to be a pure knight and help the grail be recovered. Displaying penitence, however, Lancelot prepared to return to the quest. The chapter continues as Lancelot turns to God for the forgiveness of his sins. The knight continues morning that he did not see the grail when he had been blinded by his sin. The chapter ends as Lancelot receives a vision from the Virgin Mary and then rides off into a local forest. The story then switches back to Gawain. 

                                              

                                                                  Thoughts:


How often do we see the Holy Grails in our life when our eyes are centered on our own desires? How often do we see the beauty of Celestial things when our hearts are hardened to sin. 

Lancelot is a symbol of all of us. He struggles with sins, and loses his way to find the grail because his eyes were not on God. Through spiritual discerment, we have the obligation of searching out what is God's will in our lives (Romans 12:2). Lancelot had to live with the guilt of his sin, and while eventually being penitent over it, he lost out on the beauty of Christ's gifts that he could have observed from an earlier stage of his journey. 

The Quest of the Holy Grail was written before Piers Plowman, Pearl, Pateience, Everyman, and The Pilgrim's Progress, yet in many ways, it foreshadows each of these works. Concerning it, it should be acknowledged that it is one of the foundation works of allegorical literature. Within The Quest of the Holy Grail are many of the same spiritual struggles that characters like Everyman and Christian are confronted by in other works of literature.  

Wednesday, October 26, 2022

How one specializes in the Medieval Era

 


Frequently, I've read about historians and literary scholars over the years who specialized in the Middle Ages. I often wondered what ''specialization'' meant in terms of a degree. 

Medievalism is the study of the Middle Ages. Generally, most people who study the Middle Ages don't take every degree program that only courses in the Middle Ages. Generally speaking, the only degrees in the USA where every course concerns the Middle Ages are those called ''Medieval Studies.'' While some colleges offer the option of concentrating on Medieval history or Medieval literature, most don't. However, those studying in a particular discipline such as religion, history, literature, art, or even music, may have the option to specialize in the Middle Ages.  

For many years, I thought that a medievalist was limited to those who obtained a degree in Medieval Studies. In general, however, the term refers to anyone who has focused on the Middle Ages in their graduate thesis or dissertation. A few examples of this would be master's degree holders in history who wrote a thesis on the crusades, master's degree holders in English who wrote a thesis on The Canterbury Tales, and master's degree holders in Philosophy who wrote a thesis on Thomistic philosophy. 

By concentrating one's thesis or dissertation on a specific era, the student makes themself an expert on it. Typically, this is the beginning of one receiving recognition as a university scholar. 

Here in the south, there are fewer opportunities for the study of the Middle Ages than in the northeast or on the west coast. Considering that Europe has more access to medieval manuscripts than most places in America, studying abroad would be ideal. However, one may have access to a gallery of facsimiles of medieval art at a local southern university. Finally, while I imagine that it's rare, some universities in the United States do have artifacts of the Middle Ages.  

For me, I am likely to pursue graduate studies in one of the three following disciplines: history, theology, or English literature. I have several ideas for a thesis in mind including the Crusades, Chaucer's The Canterbury Tales, Medieval allegories, Knighthood and Chivalry, the Arthurian Romances, and the influence of the monasteries upon late Medieval religion. While I maybe open to slightly altering my thesis, I am certain that I wish it to be on something medieval. 

Saturday, October 22, 2022

A Review of The Crusades Texts in Translation Series

 


If someone is looking for a single series that best addresses the crusades, Crusade Texts in Translation is the best to read. This series gives both the original accounts of eyewitnesses and contemporaries to many of the historical events described, as well as good introductions by established historians. I've used this series for the past ten years in my own research; especially as pertains to my novels. 

Having been translated from Medieval Latin, Old French, and other languages, these works deal with the perspectives of Christians and Muslims alike. Writers from Richard de Templo to Baha-ad-Din have been translated into the English language for others to read. Some of the translations in the Crusade-Texts-in-Translation have just now been translated into English for the first time. This series has also used the works of William of Tyre, Robert the Monk, and other medieval accounts to help the reader understand what life was like at the time of the Crusades. 

The best way to understand any historical movement is by reading the accounts of its time. This is true for World War II, the American Civil War, the Jewish first-century revolts, and yes, the medieval crusades. While the advice of historians and scholars should often be taken into consideration, there is nothing like reading original works. This series, however, offers the reader the opportunity to do that. 

If you are looking for just one series of non-fiction books about the crusades to read, in my view, this series is the most important. In many ways, knowledge of it should be essential to any medievalist. Those wishing to understand medieval/crusader studies must make sure to use these sources. 

Wednesday, October 19, 2022

Books that I have read on/about Medieval Literature



This list is of many books that I have completely read on English Literature and the historical background behind them. Until a few years ago, I only read parts of books. Thus, I have used hundreds of more sources than those listed here. This list is only of books that I completed from cover to cover. Also, some writings here are not English Literature but more broadly Western. Last, some of these writings may or may not be considered books as much as papal bulls etc. English Literature started in the Early Middle Ages, so I saw no point giving a list of books I have read from previous eras to the Middle Ages. I have not included in this list of works of literature about the Middle Ages. 

Books of Medieval History:
Richard the Lionhearted by Joanne Jessop, Crusaders by Joanne Jessop, Richard the Lionheart and The Third Crusade: The English King Confronts Saladin in A. D. 1191 by David Hilliam,  The Third Crusade 1191: Richard the Lionheart, Saladin and the Struggle for Jerusalem by David Nicolle, Magna Charta by James Daughtery, Tournaments and Jousts: Training for War in Medieval Times by Andrea Hopkins, Fast Forward: Castle by Peter Dennis, Damsels not in Distress: The True Story of women in Medieval Times by Andrea Hopkins, The Usborne Time Traveller book of Knights and Castles by Judy Hindley, Positively Medieval: The Surprising Dynamic, Heroic Church of the Middle Ages by Jamie Blosser, The Third Crusade: Richard the Lionhearted vs. Saladin by Samuel Willard Crompton. The World of Columbus and Sons by Genevieve Foster, John Wycliffe: Morning Star of the Reformation by Andy Thompson, Days of the Knights: A Tale of Castles and Battles by Christopher Maynard, The Library of the Middle Ages: Medieval Feasts and Banquets: Food, Drink, and Celebration in the Middle Ages by Tehmina Bhote, Medieval Realms: Warfare by Peter Chrisp, Hastings by Samuel Willard Crompton, Life in the Middle Ages: The City by Kathryn Hinds, Life in the Middle Ages: The Countryside by Kathryn Hinds, Medieval Realms: Death and Disease by Alex Wolf, Life in the Middle Ages: The Castle by Kathryn Hinds, Life in the Middle Ages: The Church by Kathryn Hinds, Medieval Realms: Death and Disease by Alex Wolf, The Crusade of Frederick Barbarossa: Crusade Texts in Translation by G. A. Loud, and The Life and Times of Richard I by John Gillingham. 


Books of Medieval Religion/Philosophy :
Confessions by Saint Augustine, The Retractions by Saint Augustine, The Enchiridion:  On Faith, Hope, and Charity by Saint Augustine, On Faith and Works by Saint Augustine, On the Trinity by Saint Augustine, Against the Greeks and Muslims by Thomas Aquinas, and Against the Saracens by Peter the Venerable. I need to make sure to finishing City of God by Augustine at some point. 


Books of Medieval Literature :
The Discarded Image: An Introduction to Medieval and Renaissance Literature by C. S. Lewis,  Beowulf, The Song of RolandThe No Fear Canterbury Tales, The Inferno, Purgatorio, and Paradiso by Dante, Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, Pearl, and Sir Orfeo by J. R. R. Tolkien. I have also read the entire Norton Anthology of the Middle Ages, the tenth edition, and everything else that is in that volume. Included in the Norton Anthology are various Anglo-Saxon works, writing of Old French literature, and excerpts to important texts of Middle English (including Piers Plowman). I have also read the Barnes-And-Noble edition of The Canterbury Tales. The parts of The Canterbury Tales that were not included in the texts just mentioned, I read from the Books-A-Million edition of the work. I have also read some of the love sonnets of Petrarch. 

Books of Medieval Art: The Story of the Three Kings by Melchoir Balthasar and Jaspar by John of Hildesheim and retold by M. B. Freeman, Medieval Beasts by Anne Payne.

There are a number of other books on the Middle Ages that I'm in the process of reading. Once I finish reading some of the most important works of English literature from its general history, I intend to study the Middle Ages (especially the crusades) by reading continually of/from that era. Having thousands of books in my personal library concerning the Middle Ages, most of the works that I have not mentioned here I never read cover to cover. I have used the vast majority of my sources as truly, sources to knowledge of the Medieval world. For example, I may buy a seven hundred page book on the crusades but only read a hundred pages of it which concerns Richard I and the Third Crusade. Likewise, I have also used various books from my local libraries and on my internet research. Had I listed all the sources that I have used over the years concerning the Middle Ages, my list would have been more exhaustive. 
I intend to add more titles to this post as I continue reading more books about the Middle Ages. Some of the books on this list are actually works found typically in young adult sections. Actually, these medieval history books are often some of the best (in my view) concerning the Middle Ages as they give strong introductions to various topics without someone having to read a nine hundred page book to know what a medieval feast was like. 
One of the current books on medieval history that I'm reading is The Bright Ages by David M. Perry and Matthew Gabriele. I also am currently reading Richard Coeur de Lion of Richard I by John Gillingham. Having read a good deal of the Crusades by Thomas Asbridge, I intend to read the entire work in the future. Helen Nicholson's The Crusades is also on my short list of future works to read. The Crusades Texts in Translation Series of books among my favorite sources. 









 

Friday, October 14, 2022

Richard I: Sexuality and Liberal Misconceptions

 


                                                             


                                                                   Introduction:  


It is not surprising in a day and age when homosexuality is widely accepted among moderns, that many liberal (and often anti-Biblical) scholars have attempted to read their desires into the historical figures of the past. For many of them, George Washington was a Deist, the early Christian persecutions before the fourth century were exaggerated by Christian accounts, and Christopher Columbus was a savage white supremacist that wanted to enslave and abuse the indigenous peoples of America. Some of these same scholars argue as James Reston Jn, author of Warriors of God, has, that Richard the Lionheart was devoid of straight sexual love. Considering scripture's warning to believers that ''to the wicked all things are wicked (Titus 1:5)'', it should come as no surprise to true Christians about how the modern left is out to destroy the Christian heritage of western society. 

Today, I would like to discuss the debate over Richard I's sexuality. Considering that Richard Plantagenet has always been a colorful figure in historical books, it should come as no surprise that scholars have had different views of his person throughout history. To many of the medieval French chroniclers, for example, Richard was guilty of the rape of women; the English tradition, however, associated Richard with the legends of Robin Hood, and to him, attributed an icon image unequaled by no other king of England. 

While good debates of the past should be encouraged among academia, however, no true scholar should read into the past his own prejudices or desires. Unfortunately, this has happened repeatedly with the modern left. In order to make themselves feel less insecure about their sinful and unnatural desires, many of them have attempted to change history to fit their agenda. Indeed, some of them will go so far as to treat past historical persons as guilty of the same sins that they are guilty of. By doing the devil's work in these regards, they not only briefly satisfy their earthly lusts but normalize their behaviors to modern society. 

A number of historians since the twentieth century have written about Richard the Lionheart's sexuality. I do not intend to cover them all here. However, I would like to discuss the thoughts of four primary historians on Richard I: James Reston Jr, Geoffrey Regan, John Gillingham, and Jean Flori. The former two write ''popular histories'' and lack PhDs. The latter have PhDs and are/were academic historians. Before I go into the first category, however, let me discuss the arguments made by some historians that Richard Plantagenet was homosexual. 


                              The primary Arguments for Richard's alleged homosexuality: 


1. Richard the Lionheart and Philip Augustus had a close relationship as described in the medieval chronicles. They slept together and sometimes kissed. The chronicles seem to agree that they had a very close relationship. 

2. Richard delayed his marriage to Alice, the princess of France. Most of the chronicles (though certainly not all of them) claimed that Richard lacked romantic interest in his wife, Berengaria. 

3. Richard left no heir. He did have an illegitimate son, Philip of Cognac. To some, the name of his son implies that he loved Philip Augustus in a homosexual manner. 

4. At his coronation, Richard forbid women from coming. To some, this means that he lacked interest in them. 

5. It is sometimes claimed that Richard had a unique interest in monks. 

6. Richard was warned of the sin of sodomy by the friar, Roger of Howden. To many, this confirms that Richard was homosexual. 

7. Henry II expressed concerns about his son's relationship with Philip Augustus. 

Throughout this paper, I will be discussing these claims, but will especially do so near the end of this thesis. When carefully considered and addressed in their historical contexts, I do not believe a single argument presented so far confirms that Richard the Lionheart was ''gay.'' Likewise, I also do not believe that any of the arguments that I'm aware of are built on sufficient proof to believe that Richard was not sexually straight. 



                                    Historians of Popular History on the Sexuality of Richard I:


Before I proceed to the academic historians, I would like to discuss the views of two historians of Popular history: James Reston Jr and Geoffrey Regan. The former argues for Richard's homosexuality, while the latter argues against it. 

By sharing the views of both authors, it allows the reader (as I will also do with academic historians) to hear out my final arguments at the end of this post. Before we get to my conclusions, however, let us see their own. 


                             The Arguments for Richard's homosexuality according to Reston:


James Reston Jr. is more of a lay historian than an academic one. Holding a BA from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Reston authored Warriors of God. In the book, he argues for Richard the Lionheart's homosexuality. 

I find Reston's popular history of Richard and Saladin to be comical at best, and blatantly dishonest at worst. He starts off assuming a homosexual attraction between Richard Plantagenenent and Philip Augustus based on little evidence other than Roger of Howden's (a medieval chronicler) discussion of their fondness for each other and frequent closeness (more on that soon). He later talks about them being close (James Reston, Warriors of God, 107) and repeatedly calls Richard ''homosexual'' with no evidence. Later, Reston even claims that Richard confessed to homosexuality (something that I've never seen in a medieval account.)

Considering that Reston wrote articles for a pornographic magazine, it's hardly surprising that his historical claims are far from the work of a true scholar. His quickness to see homosexuality among the ranks of the kings of England and France is something that I also find suspicious towards his person. To me, the fact that Reston had no arguments from original texts to back his arguments (and the shady past of his writings in anti-women magazines) brings a question to his authenticity as a historian. 


                       The Arguments against Richard's homosexuality by Geoffrey Regan:


Like Reston Jr, Geoffrey Regan has never been a university professor. Holding an MA from the University of Kent, Regan, however, has different conclusions on Richard I than Reston. 

To military historian Geoffrey Regan, there is no evidence that Richard ever enjoyed a homosexual relationship with any men or boys in his book (Geoffrey Regan, Lionhearts: Richard I, Saladin, and The Third Crusade, 15). Likewise, Regan observed that Richard's alleged homosexual relationship with Philip Augustus is mostly claimed based on their sharing a bed together. To him, however, this provides little evidence for Richard fitting this modern description. Concerning Richard's lack of desire to find a wife, Regan believes this at most contributes to a lack of sexual desire on the part of the lionheart king (144). The respected military historian also does not claim that no one in Richard's court was devoid of homosexuality. In fact, Regan believed William Longchamp, the former bishop of Ely, to be homosexual ( 227), but Richard himself to not be one. 

On the other hand, Regan also writes that there is no evidence of any mistresses in Richard's life (144). Without giving way to homosexuality, perhaps it should be naturally assumed that Richard was more interested in his wars of conquest than in personal affairs. In many regards, this would fit Richard's character as the Cour de Lion lacked much interest in his residence in England. Indeed, his entire reign was spent almost exclusively on crusade in the Holy Land or in France while fighting against Philip Augustus. 


                                   Academic Historians on the Sexuality of Richard I:


Now that I have analyzed some of the arguments of Reston and Regan, let me proceed to those of academic historians. I would be evaluating the thoughts of my two highly respected medieval historians. One of them is John Gillighman, an Emeritus professor of Medieval History at the University of London. He is renowned as a world expert on Richard I. Gillingham argues that Richard was unlikely homosexual. 

Jean Flori was one of the most respected historians of chivalry in the world. A director of the National Center for Scientific Research, Flori argues in his works that Richard was bisexual.  

I would like to start with Gillingham's views, then show Floris' own which were partially in response to the English historian. 


      John Gillingham's arguments against the alleged homosexuality of Richard I:


Earlier, I listed seven objections used by modern historians to Richard's sexuality being straight. I hope to respond to them now by referencing Gillingham's work. 

Concerning the first point, it should not be assumed that kissing between medieval princes was anything erotic. Sexually straight men such as Henry II and William Marshal slept with one another. While chivalry did sometimes encompasses a very close relationship between several men, this was often understood as a close brotherhood in the Middle Ages. Sleeping together was not seen as the origin of sexual desires as it may seem today. Frequently, in fact, would princes express their brotherhood with a kiss or by celebrating their victories in a banquet.  As John Gillingham has written, not a single reference to Richard being homosexual existed in medieval times (John Gillingham, Richard the Lionheart, 7). In fact, all of the accounts of the thirteenth century understood him to be straight. While all of this may seem strange to those in the twenty-first century, I do believe that is because many humans today have been exposed to homosexuality. In times past, men such as Shakespeare could write love poems to another man without anyone thinking that this mean that Shakespeare was homosexual. At the origin of many of liberal misconceptions about homosexuality concerning the past is that they equate any sort of love between the same sex as implying lust or romance (if not both). However, it was very normal for men in ages past to have a brotherhood love that was not seen as erotic or anything in that direction. 

Concerning the second point, it is true that Richard delayed his potential marriage to Alice of France. He also did not spend intimate time with Berengaria, his later wife. However, none of this points to homosexuality. Richard was king of England for ten years, and for almost his entire reign, he was concerned with spreading the borders of the Angevin Empire. I believe that Gillingham's work provides evidence of this. 

Concerning the third point, it is unclear why Richard named his illegitimate son ''Philip.'' It could be because he loved his friend king of France as a dear brother and wished to honor him. However, that is speculation. Regardless, though, Richard's attention to naming the boy ''Philip'' has little evidence to portray the lionheart king as a homosexual one. The fact that he may have named his son after the French king because he considered Philip a very close friend, does not mean that Richard saw Philip in an unnatural sense. While I'm not sure if Gillingham said anything about this particular point, I think that he would agree with me. 

Concerning the fourth point, it is true that Richard banned women from his coronation. There has been debate among some historians as to how common this was. For me, though, I don't see this as evidence for homosexuality. Many English princes of the past often spent time alone with each other or their allies. Similar to my comments above, I don't see this as good proof of Richard's alleged homosexuality. As Gillingham noted, for this to imply homosexuality would be to imply that every English king before Richard I was also homosexual as Geoffrey of Monmouth, a medieval chronicler, recorded that this had been the common practice of English coronations (John Gillingham, Richard I, 266). While Flori has argued that Geoffrey's intention was not this, to me, the lack of women at the event has little to do with Richard's sexual orientation. 

Concerning the fifth point, Richard's interest in monks has little to do with homosexuality. Why would he go after those sworn by the church to condemn this sin? Unlike today, it was not accepted for church clergy to embrace homosexuality (those that did were severely practiced by the church). I think that it would be more historically accurate to say that Richard took interest in the orders, practices, and commands of the Catholic Church (even though he broke church laws on practicing jousting). This is another issue that I'm unaware if Gillingham has covered. However, I also think that he would agree with me on this. 

The sixth point will be dealt with more below. As far as the seventh point is concerned, I see no reason to believe that Henry II saw his son as homosexual. However, Henry had been an enemy of Philip Augustus. Was this the real reason that he feared his son's friendship with the king of France? 

Now that I have covered six out of the seven points above, let me elaborate on Gillingham's reasons. For the English historian, there is simply no evidence to believe that Richard I was anything but straight. I have read extensively on this topic from several of his books, and in all of them, he concludes that this is a modern theory with little backup. I believe that his work has been careful not to make any rash judgments (without strong evidence) as to what would have been accepted concerning medieval sexuality. 

Now, the sixth point I mentioned above is a more complicated one. I will celebrate that point more with Gillingham as I discuss Jean Flori's claims that Richard I was homosexual. 


                        Jean Flori's arguments for the homosexuality of Richard Plantagenet: 


To his credit, Flori does not believe many of the reasons above justify Richard's homosexuality. However, he does argue that Richard was bisexual. He argues, for example, that Richard was homosexual because the chronicles were more condemning of Richard's sexual sins before he married Berengaria than they were that of his father, Henry II.  However, his primary objection to Gillingham's claims is based on Roger of Howden's warning to Richard the Lionheart about the consequences of sodomy (Richard the Lionheart, 387). 


                                               Problems with Flori's Reasoning: 


Jean Flori writes well. On several points, I give him credit for a good scholarship. However, his arguments for Richard Plantagenet's alleged homosexuality, I find to be extremely faulty. 

While Flori rightly identifies many of the claims about Richard I being homosexual to be historically inaccurate (such as the lack of women at Richard's coronation, Richard and Philip's close relationship, and other issues), he does argue for Richard being bisexual. While believing Richard to have had a primary interest in women, Flori believes that Richard did have homosexual actions (or at least desires), but his argument for this being the case is largely different than the reasons that Reston argued for. 

For the French historian of the Middle Ages, Richard was primarily homosexual based on the evidence of one medieval account. This was the work of Roger of Howden. 

Roger of Howden was an important contributing historian to the events of his times. On one occasion, he reported a hermit challenging Richard, calling for the king to repent of Richard's sexual absence from Berengaria of England (Richard's wife). Roger, likewise, reports of Richard hearing of the dangers of sodomy and illicit acts from this same hermit. What did he mean by these things? 

For Flori, sodomy often implies homosexuality in scripture.  I agree with Flori in this case. In several passages of the Bible (as Flori shows) sodomy clearly meant homosexuality. Even when sodomy did not refer to homosexuality, it did refer to other natural sexual sins between a man and a woman (more on that soon). Flori is aware of this latter situation as well. He presents this as a case against Gillingham's argument that Richard was straight. 

At the same time, however, is Gillingham's right that homosexuality is not equated with the judgment of Sodom. To Gillingham, Roger was warning more about the consequences of Sodom like judgment regardless of Richard's sexual orientation (John Gillingham, Richard the Lionheart, 161). Furthermore, Gillingham never denied that the judgment of Sodom in the Old Testament dealt with homosexuality, but rather, he claims that in most situations of the texts it actually deals with other sins

Why did Roger of Howdon warn Richard the Lionheart of sodomy? Was the king of England guilty of homosexual lust? Had Richard engaged in unnatural desires that were contrary to both scripture and the teachings of the Catholic Church? For some, Richard's confession of ''sodomy'' in 1195 simply means to some present medievalists as it meant as did to many medievals: any sexual sin. 

One of the main problems for me with Jean Flori's arguments is that Roger of Howdon never accused Richard of sodomy. He warned the English king of it. To Roger, it was not fitting that English kings apart from his wife (many medieval priests even ensured the sexual union between husband and wife after marriage). While the illicit acts that Roger speaks of implying that the king was sinful in the eyes of the church, what these sins were are not recorded. I think that it is quite the assumption of Flori to insist that any of this refers to Richard's homosexuality. Instead, perhaps the friar simply felt compassionate that Richard was likely to sin sexually by refraining from his own wife. To me, the latter seems a more natural conclusion from the text.  The fact that Roger warned Richard does not automatically prove to me (as it seems to do for Flori) that Richard was homosexual. I find this reasoning to be faulty. 

Furthermore, the illicit acts that Roger warned Richard about, could refer (as John Gillingham noted) to another sexual sin other than homosexuality. To Gillingham, this could refer to adultery. Sodomy also referred to anything in the eyes of the Catholic Church that was an unnatural form of sex. 

Flori, however, argues that the sins that Roger claims Richard to have engaged in have been much worse than fornication. His reasons for this include the fact that the chronicles condemned Richard more for these ''illicit acts'' than they did for Henry's alleged fornication with women. Does Flori have a point? 

Again, I think that Flori is reading into the historical record more than he should. Unlike Gillingham, he is not taking the texts and face value and is assuming that they mean something more. While I'm not sure why the medieval chronicles were modern condemning of Richard for these ''illicit acts'' than those of his father, I don't conclude (as Flori does) that this automatically refers to homosexuality. Could it be that Roger of Hovedon was more condemning of Richard because the lionheart king had no heir whereas Henry II had conceived one? 

Flori argues that Gillingham has attacked those who hold to Richard's homosexuality. I found his description of Gillingasm's arguments in Richard the Lionheart by Jean Flori to come off as slightly defensive (perhaps I am mistaken). While Flori is nothing short of a scholar (though a liberal one), his persuasiveness in these arguments I found was much more smooth than his English counterpart. Ultimately, Gillingham assumed (as we should) that in twelfth-century society, homosexuality was extraordinarily rare. Because of this, we should not be quick to assume Richard's sexuality to be anything other than straight unless further evidence is provided. 

Additionally, whatever sin Richard was guilty of, Roger was comforted that the English king did penance over before his death. While other chroniclers do not record Richard giving penance before his death, Roger's is the most relevant here as his account is the one used for the alleged homosexuality of Richard I. 

Whatever ''sin'' or potential sin Roger had warned Richard of, Richard died with penitence according to the former's account. For this reason, I believe that it would be unjust to describe Richard's sexual orientation as anything other than what he sought forgiveness for. Flori, Reston, and other liberal historians who portray Richard as homosexual, conveniently ignore the emphasis that Richard trusted in the church's judgment of what was seen as sinful and attempted to correct himself of it. Just as we shouldn't identify a person whose penance has forbidden them from returning to a past sin, so the same standard should be given to the lionheart king. 

If we are to be faithful to the study of the Middle Ages, then it is important that we read their timeline as they would have read it. The medievalist must in a sense, become a medieval, in order to understand what the society of the Middle Ages was like. Of course, at the heart of society, was medieval religion. Since the theological teachings of the Catholic Church were strongly condemning of homosexuality in the Middle Ages, since Richard the Lionheart was a faithful Roman Catholic, and since no evidence (in my view) supports the view that Richard was homosexual, then we ought to conclude that he was no different than most medieval kings of England concerning his sexual orientation. Likewise, Richard I was recorded in the chronicles to have studied the scriptures; he would have known Biblical teachings to be contrary to the practice or desire of homosexuality. 


                                                                 Final Thoughts:


I have never seen a single issue pushed in my life like I have that of homosexuality. It is pushed in schools, colleges, textbooks, TV, movies, art, and music. There is a reason for this: the more that the modern left can make Christians doubt the rare peculiarities of it, the more they can convince people that it's natural (which scripture teaches otherwise). Many of the mainline churches have given into these false narratives of the past as they do not base their beliefs off of scripture. Tragically, more young people than ever are being taught these anti-God/anti-Christian myths and fables, and for many of them, statistics show that they will fall away from the faith before or after they graduate from a secular college. 

Popularized by the novel, The Lion in Winter, many have come to read about Richard the Lionheart's alleged homosexuality. If not through the reading of the book, others have learned about this view from watching the films based on the work. Whether or not we realize it, the arts that we give our attention to will daily influence our worldview of everything else. The characterizations of history in movies, books, or art do not go unnoticed by the observers. If Roger of Howden (or Hovedon) had thought this, he could have easily said it. 

Considering the piety of Richard the Lionheart toward crusading, his great interest in field warfare, and his time era (which rarely saw homosexuality exercised), I consider no legitimate reason yet to believe that Richard the Lionheart was homosexual. Likewise, while occasional modern historians do correct the misconceptions of those in the past, I find it did (as Gillingham observed) that not a single text before 1948 ever made this claim about Richard I. Only one text earlier than this has been used by this theory; an eighteenth-century text by a French Huguenot that is ambiguous as to its meaning concerning Richard's sexuality. As Gillingham has noted, if this Huguenot believed Richard to be ''gay'' then it would seem that other historians of his era would have made this claim. Furthermore, as Gillingham also has rightly noted, if Richard I was homosexual then Gerald of Wales, the welsh friar would likely have written about this considering that Gerald wrote about nearly every corruption that he was aware of (Richard the Lionheart, John Gillingham, 283). 

For years, I have dedicated various posts to defending the Christian heritage of the past against the offenses of those who hate orthodoxy. Having studied the life of Richard I since 2010, I have been waiting to write this post for many years to clear his character in a scholarly manner from the falsehoods of various atheists, false Christians, and secularists. At the end of my research on this topic, I felt that I had provided strong evidence to counter liberal claims about Richard. At the same time, however, I feel disappointed. I feel disappointed because I wonder how liberal scholars can dedicate so much time of their lives to their research, and often, do a very poor job at arguing for their liberal positions. 

Further Sources: 

Gillingham, John Richard I

Gillingham, John Richard the Lionheart. (1978). Times Books. 

Gillingham, John Richard Coeur de Lion. (1994). The Hambledon Press. 

Regan, Geoffrey. Lionhearts: Richard I, Saladin, and The Third Crusade. (1998). Walker and Company. 

Reston, James Jn. Warriors of God. Doubleday. (2001). 

Flori, Jean. Richard the Lionheart. (1999). Praeger. 

Wednesday, October 12, 2022

Medieval Theology Among Its Great Philosophers: An Introduction

 



Many of the theologians of the Middle Ages understood scripture in allegorical terms. For example, for many of them, the depictions of Old Testament Israel were actually more about the church than Israel itself. Concerning the relation between Israel and the church, many of the later Reformed theologians would adopt the same hermeneutics concerning Israel and the church as did their medieval Catholic ancestors. While a literal interpretation of scripture became more dominant during the Reformation, allegory persisted among most Christians until modern times (especially during the nineteenth-century). While a few theologians in the Middle Ages did interpret scripture more literally, most of them were in the minority. Today, many Roman Catholic theologians interpret scripture more literally more than do most of their ancestors. 

The medievals had not invented the allegorical interpretation of scripture. They had inherited it from the Alexandrian school of thought among the patristics. While the medievals at times took it farther than their ancestors, Origen of Alexandria, Jerome of Rome, and Augustine of Hippo are just a few names of those who had embraced an allegorical interpretation of scripture. The school of Antioch, on the other hand, had held to a more literal view of scripture as would later inspire modern premillennialism. 

A good example of medieval allegory is in the book, Pope Innocent III and the Greek Church by Richard James Clearly. Since the pope believed that he represented Christ on earth, he understood the throne in heaven described in Revelation as referring to the papacy (not to Christ alone). Throughout the previously mentioned text, the reader will find in this source many examples where Innocent (certainly not ignorant of scripture) read scripture as having a significantly different understanding than its literal sense. While Innocent's words on his belief in the power of the papacy will probably offend many Protestants, his writings reflect the growing medieval understanding of the papacy of his time. 

Some theologians of the past and present have attempted to bridge allegory and Biblical literalism. This was the case for Aquinas. While holding to Transubstantiation, Aquinas also embraced certain Marian concepts never mentioned directly in scripture. However, he also praised a literal interpretation of scripture*1 and believed that scripture was the final authority (not the papacy).  

Concerning the authority of scripture, Aquinas said the following: ''We believe the prophets and apostles because the Lord has been their witness by performing miracles...And we believe the successors of the apostles and the prophets only in so far as they tell those things which the apostles and prophets have left in their writings (OT, XIV, 10, ad 11, emphasis added).''

Elsewhere, Aquinas elaborated on his belief that scripture is the final authority: ''The reason for this is that only the canonical scriptures are normative for faith...Others who write about the truth do so in such a way that they do not want to be believed unless what they affirm is true (TCJ, 21, lecture 6, emphasis added.)''

To Aquinas, not even the magisterium had the authority to conflict with what scripture taught. He never assumed that they were infallibly protected from wrongly understanding it either. It's interesting to think about how Aquinas would have justified his views on the mass, Mariology, and other topics not mentioned directly in scripture. Throughout his commentary on Romans, Aquinas did not appeal to either the pope or the church fathers primarily to defend his view of justification. Rather, his knowledge of scripture in the book is extensive as he carefully reads Paul to believe in justification by both faith and works. This may come as a surprise to some modern evangelicals, who wrongly believe that no Catholic theologian has ever used scripture to justify Catholicism (though this wasn't uncommon in Medieval times). 

Over the following weeks, I hope to analyze the thoughts of Albert the Great, Aquinas, Bonaventure, and other medieval theologians on various theological topics. Nothing about the Middle Ages can be understood; not its history, nor its art and literature unless one understands the worldview that the medievals upheld. 

*1-https://stpaulcenter.com/aquinas-the-biblical-approach-of-the-model-catholic-theologian/


All scripture is given by inspiration of God, and is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness...-2 Timothy 3:16


Further Sources: 

Geisler, Norman. Systematic Theology. (2002). BethanyHouse. 

Wednesday, September 28, 2022

A Review of The Talisman by Sir Walter Scott

 



Some years ago, I reviewed the nineteenth-century literary work concerning twelfth-century England by Sir Walter Scott, Ivanhoe. What many modern readers are unaware of, however, is that Scott composed other works of the same era. They are known as Tales of the Crusaders. The first among them is The Bethrothed. The second, though, is The Talisman. As I've been reading the second work, I hope to share information about it with the reader here. 

The Talisman has many similar qualities to G. A. Henty's Winning His Spurs. Both works tell of knights serving King Richard the Lionheart during the Third Crusade. Likewise, each work concerns a heroic medieval character saving a damsel in distress. One of the greatest differences, however, is the setting. Henty's Winning His Spurs is not only set in the Holy Land, but also in England. It tells the story of Cuthbert, an Anglo-Saxon, before the crusade in England, during the crusade as Cuthbert is in the Holy Land, and of the character's return to England after the crusade. Scott's work, however, is set only in the holy land as The Talisman is only concerned with the crusade itself. Whereas Winning His Spurs tells of events concerning Richard the Lionheart's capture on his expedition through Europe while returning from the crusade, Scott's The Talisman was more interested in the conflict between the crusaders and the Saracens in the holy land ( possibly because the other historical events were already referenced in his previous work, Ivanhoe.''

While all of these works make good reads concerning literature about the Middle Ages, and the crusades in particular, for me, Ivanhoe remains the greatest published fiction work of the twelfth century. I ultimately felt that Scott's writing in Ivanhoe was still more appealing than that of The Talisman. Likewise, I found the characters in the former to be more interesting. While Sir Kenneth's expedition in the Holy Land was an attractive adventure to me, the love triangle between Ivanhoe, Rowena, and Rebecca gave Ivanhoe a more complicated story than the Talisman would tale. Indeed, Kenneth does heroic things in The Talisman, but the stakes are never raised like they are in Ivanhoe. In Ivanhoe, Rebecca comes near to death after being accused of witchcraft by the Knights' Templars until the titular character challenges the villain, Bois Guilbert to a final duel. While Sir Kenneth challenges Marquis Conrad to a final duel at the end of The Talisman, no important deed of salvation is needed on Kenneth's part. The latter challenge has more to do with a rivalry between the two nobles. 

The Talisman features many exciting events. At the beginning of the story, Kenneth meets ways with an emir, whom he later learns to be Saladin. Likewise, the novel plays out the events of Richard the Lionheart's sickness as Saladin sends Richard aids to help the crusader king recover. In general, by reading The Talisman, I learned about some aspects of the medieval crusading army that I had not known about previously. 

The 1954 film, King Richard and the Crusaders was based on The Talisman, Personally, the film has its moments. However, I find it to be inferior to the 1952 adaption of Ivanhoe

In general, The Talisman is a good work of literature. However, I cannot compare its literary qualities to nearly as strong as those of Ivanhoe, one of my favorite works of literature. While I believe that The Talisman is an underrated work of literature, I can see why it does receive the publicity of Ivanhoe.  To anyone who finds interest in crusades history or literature of the romantic era, I recommend that they read The Talisman

Tuesday, September 27, 2022

English Literature and the Middle Ages

 



Literature often comes in many forms: poetry, drama, and prose. Writers through the ages have used literature to convey different purposes: man's relationship to God, man's relationship with other men, man's relationship to creation, and man's relation to himself. Literature allows us to see ourselves by relating to the characters we read about. By reading about Molly Gibson crushing on Roger Hamley in Wives and Daughters, we can click with her because we see how she withholds her feelings for him within her. Indeed, the same effect of literature is true for us as we read Treasure Island. Jim Hawkins's desire for adventure connects with our desire to explore things outside what only our eyes see. 

Many use different hermeneutics to understand literature. Some emphasize the theory of literature. This has been the typical approach of many at Cambridge University. Those who take this approach often separate the ideas of the work from the historical context and emphasize the text primarily.  Others, however, typically study literature with its historical context and culture. This latter work is often done at Oxford University. Between these two methods of interpretation, I agree mostly with Oxford. 

In my view, those who think that they know Biblical theology without understanding the history of the first century are either theologically gullible or blatantly arrogant. The New Testament cannot be understood in its entirety without reference to Jewish literature, Greco-Roman Culture, and Early Christianity. Tragically, many people believe that they can understand the scriptures without understanding its historical context. Likewise, many interpret the Constitution without reference to how it was understood by the founding fathers. To think that justices of the twenty-first century have a better understanding of the meaning of the Constitution than did those of the eighteenth century is absurd. I think that both of these (concerning scripture and the Constitution) are huge mistakes. 

No work of literature can be understood entirely without knowing the historical culture that it was born. This has been my view for many years, and I have thought about it while studying for an undergraduate certificate in New Testament Studies at Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary. In general, all works of literature must be understood within their proper historical context. 

When we approach medieval literature, we cannot separate its literary qualities from the times of composing works. Beowulf reflects a combination of both Anglo-Saxon pagan and Christian themes. The Canterbury Tales demonstrates scandal in the church, but also, loyalty to Christianity (Chaucer never questioned the authority of the scriptures). Likewise, Le Morte d'Arthur reflects the Christian virtues of men treating women as the weaker sex by knights saving damsels in distress (1 Peter 3:7). 

At the heart of medieval literature is the role of Christianity in the medievals' lives. While many have attempted to read critical race theory, gender roles, sexuality, and queer theory into these texts, in my view, these are all forced interpretations. Whenever medieval literature does not quote scripture or refer to the authority of the church, it usually implies one or the other throughout. Even the scandalous Fabliau of Medieval France (there were English ones as well), while at times promoting immorality, many of these stories satirize religious practice, but not necessarily Christianity. Chaucer adopted some of these approaches to humor in his own works, but as explained earlier, he never renounced Christianity. In fact, Chaucer recanted anything in his works that contradicted the faith before he died.

That is not to say that the roots of some feminist thoughts are not to be found in medieval literature. Margery Kempe and other women discussed the faith more than many moderns would believe that these medieval females would have done. However, even the medievals who occasionally went outside the boundaries of their Catholic Church generally did not see themselves as against Christianity per see. 

All of English literature must be understood within its proper historical context. Of course, the same is true for the literature of any language and in any era. We cannot distinguish literature from history as two entirely distinct disciples. The two so often go together. For example, as also mentioned earlier, the New Testament is a literary work that must be understood according to the Jewish first-century audience that it was written primarily for (especially the earliest of the gospels). The authors of literary works have also used the language of their given audience to convey a grammatical meaning. Composition is devoid of knowledge of the linguistics and morphology that were used in the given culture of a literary work. The illiterate and simple men that learned from the apostles were more likely to understand the scriptures than illiterate and simple men today. This is because the former needed less education to understand the natural meaning of phrases, historical references, and theological concepts that were typically expected in their culture (at least if they were Jewish) than it is for many moderns. Indeed, many in the twenty-first century have to be scholars of both Koine Greek and Biblical Hebrew to understand the New Testament in its original languages (many scholars believe that Matthew was written in Hebrew). However, this was not the case for many Jewish believers in the first century---who, even if simple men, would often have known those languages better than the simple men of today. 

Those who interpret scripture without the study of its historical context use the same methods that progressives do for the constitution, and that liberal theorist use for literature. They wrongly believe that literature can be understood without reference to a given work's historical background. Those who believe that the Bible can be interpreted one's interpretation alone, or based on the views of others, without consent from the early fathers of Christianity, are theological liberals (whether or not they realize that about themselves) just are those who interpret the constitution without reference to those who lived at the time of its composition. 

To study medieval literature, do not simply read the famous works of the time. Engage yourself in studying the history of the crusades, the schisms of the church, the role of women in medieval society, the influence of art on people's lives, etc. Literature becomes much more fascinating when it is studied with a historical mindset. Since the New Testament is a work of literature (or works of literature), the same principle applies to it. Likewise, anything that we read about in medieval literature will be more properly understood by reading the history itself.  

Wednesday, September 14, 2022

Medieval Philosophy Matters




 Recently, I finished The Proslogion by Anselm of Canterbury. In it, Anselm uses reason to argue for the existence of God. For me, this is one of my favorite works to have come out of the Middle Ages. Hopefully, I will discuss more about it in a future post. 

While many today, see theology and philosophy as two separate disciplines, this was not the case for many in the twelfth-century. Indeed, many medieval philosophers saw their ideas as being in harmony with the Bible (though sometimes opposed by the church itself). As the university generally protected its people's freedom of speech, some church officeholders such as Martin Luther were able to challenge the status quo more than those outside of its setting.  





In general, all that we believe comes from a worldview. Whether or not we claim to believe in the existence of God, what we believe about the authority of religion, and how we perceive the afterlife is all reflected in our worldview. If our worldview is not based on the Bible, then it's based on something else; another religious work, one's culture, or one's upbringing. The Bible was the foundation for all of what those in the Middle Ages believed about both matter and time; this was even the case for illiterate peasants who learned Bible stories from the artwork in medieval churches. 

For many in the Middle Ages, the works of Augustine of Hippo were foundational to their theological understandings. His Confessiones (Confessions), for example, was important for its bluntness about his penitence over sin. De civitate Dei contra Paganos (The City of God), however, defended Christendom against accusations from the pagans in Rome who blamed Christianity for the former empire's downfall. De Trinitate (On the Trinity), likewise, served as a reminder to the orthodox communities of the many threats to true Christianity across the known world. Finally, in The Enchiridion (Faith, Hope, and Charity), Augustine defended God's predestination of men to salvation against some of the Semi-Pelagian groups that were at odds with Catholic Christianity. As someone who has read more than five of Augustine's works, I can personally testify to his great influence also on my own life. 

Many of us have heard of the Summa Theologica. We know that Thomas Aquinas was among the best of Medieval scholastics. However, fewer of us are familiar with his Contra Errores Graecorum. In this latter work, Aquinas wrote both against the Greek Orthodox Christians and the Muslims. While Aquinas was arguably more gentle in his dialogues than some, he reflected a growing divide between both western and eastern Christians that had been building for centuries. 

While many of the medievals differed from each other on particular points of doctrine such as what happens at mass, when is just war right, and whether or not the Virgin Mary was immaculate, they universally held to the belief that Christianity is the only way to God. Peter the Venerable, for instance, did not believe that Muslims worship the one true God as he explained in Against the Saracens*1. Likewise, the Council of Florence later dogmatically taught that all those who leave this life without water baptism shall be lost forever. 





According to Oxford historical theologian and scholar Alister Mcgrath*2, medieval theologians believed that scripture was the highest of all authorities. Indeed, because of this, many of them intended to base their views off of the Bible. Certainly, they knew that all other authorities are sinking sand and will fade with time (Ecclesiastes 1:14, Romans 12:2). Scripture, on the other hand, though, is forever (1 Peter 3:21). 

Whether or not we agree with the medievals, understanding their worldview helps us to understand them. For example, if we wish to learn more about twelfth-century England, then reading the theological writings of Anselm of Canterbury will enlighten us to common thoughts of that time. Knowing Medieval Philosophy also helps us to understand both the culture and the art of the era. One of the interesting particulars of historical studies is that both an Evangelical Christian and a professing atheist*3 can differ from each other's worldviews and yet still study the past as historians. Truly, even people whose ideas are nothing alike to each other, are able to mutually construct facts together about what it meant to live in Medieval Times. 

1*For this compilation of several of his works, see the volume Church Fathers: Medieval Continuation Against the Saracens translated by Irven M. Resneck. 

2* See Reformation Thoughts: An Introduction. 

3* According to scripture, there are no true atheists (Jeremiah 11:20, Psalm 44:21, Romans 1:19).


Friday, July 15, 2022

Ten Essential Works of Medieval Literature in the English Language





I have not read all of the following titles. I hope to do so soon, however.


Sir Gawain and the Green Knight

The Canterbury Tales by Geoffrey Chaucer

Everyman

Beowulf*

Piers Plowman by William Langland

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle

Caedmon's Hymn

Le Morte d'Arthur by Thomas Malory

The Book of Margery Kempe by Margery Kempe

Pearl


You may ask why these titles I have chosen? Well, it's hard to imagine Medieval literature without Chaucer. While several of his works are significant to understanding the literary world that Medieval people imagined, The Canterbury Tales is fundamental. Then again, so are the Arthurian stories. Whether it is from Malory or the Pearl Poet, we can't separate the tales of King Arthur and his knights from most Medieval literature. Lastly, works like Everyman and Piers Plowman bear witness to the theological worldview of many people throughout Medieval times. 

While the works of Virgil, Ovid, Dante, and Boccaccio were composed in languages other than English, their books are nevertheless helpful to understanding Medieval literature as their stories impacted the written works of Old and Middle English. The Bible, Dante, and Ovid are three essential sources for understanding medieval literature, according to C. S. Lewis. As someone who has read all three, I agree with him. 




*Some scholars consider Old English literature distinct from Medieval literature.









Saturday, May 21, 2022

The Relation of the Arts to Christianity in the Middle Ages

   



For my previous thoughts on the roles of the arts in medieval Christianity, see the following post: 

https://themedievalist.blogspot.com/2022/03/the-relation-of-arts-to-theology-in.html       


                                                                     

                                                                        


                                                                    

                                                

                                                                     Introduction: 


Christianity informed the Middle Ages of much of what it was about. Unlike some other eras in history that preceded it and came after it, almost all Medieval literature and art is about Biblical themes or Christianity in some way. As discussed in my previous post, the theologian Hugh of Saint Victor believed that both the philosophy and the arts could be used to support theology. 

                                                                        


                                                                   Medieval Art:


The arts greatly defined the theological characteristics of the Middle Ages. For example, the great use of stone in Notre Dame personifies (in my view at least) the seriousness of the cathedral's place in Paris. However, I want to discuss more than just my interpretation of the medievals' works. 

While I appreciate the study of Byzantine and Islamic art, I prefer the study of the western art of the Middle Ages. Furthermore, I'm going to be emphasizing aspects of the later medieval art only in this post. While I appreciate Early Medieval and Romanesque art, the cathedrals and illuminated manuscripts of the Gothic and the fourteenth-century eras of art are in my view, the best of post-classical art until the Renaissance. In particular, I am fascinated by the powerful presence of the Gothic cathedrals which in many ways, demonstrated as much influence as the local castle in the High Middle Ages. 


                                                                             


   



Speaking of Gothic architecture, medievalist and art historian Marilyn Stokstad wrote, ''Truly, Gothic churches became the glorious jeweled houses of God, evocations of the heavenly Jerusalem. They were also glowing manifestations of Christian doctrine, and invitations to faithful living, encouraging worshipers to follow in the footsteps of the saints whose lives were frequently featured in the windows of Gothic churches. Stained glass soon became the medium of monumental painting (Stokstad, 491).''

I could not agree more with Stockstad. Look at the Scenes From Genesis in the Good Samaritan Window of Notre Dame's cathedral. In this masterpiece, you will observe Biblical stories across the stained glass. The artwork was not made by the medievals simply because they loved to make art, but because art was a means of demonstrating a theological truth. For example, in Scenes from Genesis, Adam and Eve are found to be nude at the top right corner of the painting. They are looking up with fearful faces as they are being judged for their sin. This reflects the importance of the doctrine of original sin in Medieval Christianity. To those living in the Gothic era of Medieval Art (twelfth-thirteenth centuries), the fear of God's judgment upon them for their sins was central to their faith and their religious practices. 






Of course, the use of art within the church was controversial at times. Abbot Sugar, one of the masterminds behind Saint-Denis Cathedral, was for the use of art in monasteries for the purpose of monks growing in their faith. Saint Bernard of the Cistercian order had more reservations about such works, however. To him, it was better that monasteries be more simple and simply focus on God without art being a distraction. Whoever's view one agrees with here, both sides had the same goal in mind: to glorify the Creator while simultaneously promoting strict religious adherence. 

On a similar note, I would like to mention the fact that the early medievals were afraid of breaking the second commandment. Because they did not want God to be violated through false imagery, many portrayed Christ as vague in their art (something that the Renaissance would not imitate later). To the early medievals, the second commandment did not mean what it would later mean to the sixteenth-century puritans. The latter group had a clear-cut understanding of the second commandment: all images and works of art about Christ are wrong. The early medievals though did not see abstract and one-dimensional art as violating the second commandment. Indeed, the concept of all images and pictures violating the second commandment was largely unknown to Christian history before the Reformation. While there had been Carologians who took issue with the Byzantine icons in the Early Medieval period, this does not mean that they were against all works of art about Christ. In fact, there had been works of art on the catacombs concerning Christ since the persecution of Christians in the early centuries. Many of the Reformed churches of the sixteenth century made a radical breach from the past by removing all works of art from churches.*1

One of my favorite aspects of Medieval art is The Rose Window and Lancets from Chartres Cathedral. This beautiful illumination from 1230-1235 A.D. is truly a piece of beauty. Imagine the sunshine flowing through the glass as it gives to us the light of heaven. Likewise, no matter the time of day, those standing below the window could look above and be grateful for the saints praying for them. The Rose Window was also a reminder that this world was not the beginning nor the end of everything. Eternity (as depicted here), was either with God and His holy saints or with the damned in the fires of destruction. 





There is much to be observed from The Rose Window. I love the references to the Holy Spirit as the dove throughout this stained glass window. Looking at the painting, I also admire admiration for France as shown in the Fleur-de-Lions throughout. Last, but certainly not least, the blessed Virgin Mary is in the center of the picture as she holds the Babe Savior. To me, this is one of the great masterpieces of the Gothic era. 

As a partial result of the Italian Renaissance, many in the fourteenth-century came to desire a return to the literature and art forms of the classical world. Petrarch's love sonnets about a married woman named ''Laura'' reflected a change in literature from the previous religious Christendom. More and more, writings and paintings reflected the loss of influence in the church. Chaucer's The Canterbury Tales, for example, depicts corrupt clergy throughout its stories. 

Nevertheless, as the Italian Renaissance began, some countries were certainly less impacted by it than others. While Chaucer drew from Italian and French writers, England as a whole remained quite medieval. The Hours of Jeanne d'Evreux depicted Judas Iscariot betraying His Lord. Likewise, while Chaucer satirized church leaders, this does not mean that he was opposed to orthodox Christianity. 






There was hardly a breach in fourteenth-century Medieval English art from the previous centuries of England's history. Much of the artwork in England still reflected traditional concepts as had been betrayed in earlier Medieval art. One of the best examples of this would be The Opus Anglicanum. This work of art was made from pictorial needlework and became popular throughout Europe. It was often used during Mass. 








                                                                      Renaissance Art: 


The fourteenth-century was significantly different for England than it had been for Italy. For the former, the Middle Ages had not yet passed. For the latter however, a new era had already begun. 

The Renaissance brought on many challenges to previous philosophical beliefs of the Middle Ages. For example, after the Black Plague, less artwork and literature came to reflect Christianity as it had previously. Furthermore, many Renaissance philosophers came to challenge widely accepted theological dogmas of their age. At the same time, however, this was still a Christian era. Though there was more emphasis on secular themes and nude figures than there had been previously, many artists and writers of the Renaissance still portrayed the blessed virgin and her Son as gloriously as they had always been demonstrated in past works of art. 





Below, I have copied some of my work for one of my previous assignments from ARTS 204: Medieval Art. Now that I have finished this course, I can say that I was very pleased to study this topic through Liberty University's online programs. 

Both Madonna Enthroned with Angels and Prophets by Cimabue and Madonna Enthroned by Giotto are beautiful pictures. Each of these works was composed in the fourteenth century. Likewise, there are a lot of similarities between these two works of art. Both paintings contain golden backgrounds, both place the blessed virgin and her Babe Son as the central focus, and both show holy persons surrounding Mary and Christ. However, there are also some significant differences between the two. 

Giotto's Madonna Enthroned is often considered the first work of the Renaissance. Whereas it shows both angels and saints surrounding the holy queen on her left and right, Cimabue's Madonna Enthroned with Angels and Prophets shows only angels on both sides of the Mother of God while demonstrating saints below her. While both reflect the divine, Giotto also colors the halos behind Mary and Christ more than Cimbaue's portrayal. Perhaps even more striking, however, is the fact that Mary and Christ sit within a covered throne only in Giotto's painting. 

Pictures of the Virgin Mary with her Son were frequent in Latin Churches since at least the thirteenth century. Reflecting Byzantine styles, these pictures reflected the importance of Mariology to the medievals. The Nativity was central to the medieval narrative of Christ, and it would only be natural that they should pay tribute to the virgin Mary considering her contribution to this story. 





I enjoyed the study of Giotto and Cimabue's works of art. As is the case for me always, I feel illuminated by the study of the Middle Ages. 

One of the things I noticed most about these paintings from Giotto and Cimabue was their recurrent use of bright colors in their portraits. It reminded me of how the later Renaissance movements would substantially use this technique. In short, I began to wonder, did Giotto and Cimabue influence the forthcoming artists in this regard? 




                                                                     Conclusion: 

The medievals and their renaissance descendants left quite the legacy of art for us to learn from their examples. Their meticulous attention to detail is admirable. In honor of them, I end this post with a poem: 


As the Saints do Sing, 

Angelic art we do bring, 

The troubadours play for love, 

but the pilgrims turn to heaven above. 



1* It should be noted that there is debate about why the Reformed Churches removed images in churches. However, that is not the purpose of this post. 


References: 

Stokstad, Marilyn. Art History Volume One. (2011). Pearson.